number of my enemies in Georgia; but how could I appear in the nation as a friend, whilst I held their people (and those belonging to our best friends) prisoners in this country. I have sent to St. Marys to have my horses brought here by land in order to proceed. Should they be lost on the way I shall find great difficulty to supply the loss. It is a current report in this town that Governor Telfair hath orders from the President to act on the offensive against the Creeks. This I cannot believe when I receive my orders. It is however certain that his Excellency hath called a Council of all his General Officers to meet at Augusta on the eighth of next month to recommend deliberations as he termed it. What these will be, it is not with me to say, but least his plans and my orders should interfere to the expense of our Country I will give his excellency timely notice. Letter from Timothy Barnard to James Seagrove Flint River, 2^d July 1793 Dear Sir, You will receive this by the hands of M^r Townshend who will be able to give you every information from this quarter you may require and as he has been all through the upper Creeks has in his power to inform you fully respecting matters in that part of the nation relative to both red and white people. Therefore need only mention a little to you of what is going on at present in the lower Creeks. The Cowetas, Broken Arrow, Uisochees and Chehaws at a meeting held at the Tuckabatches "Upper Creeks," agreed to quit hostilities on the State of Georgia and give up all the property; as all the towns in the Upper Creeks made known to them that they meant to do as the Cussetahs did keep at peace with the United States, those four towns Cowetas, Broken Arrow, Uisochees and Chehaws have since declined from what they agreed to at the meeting and have utterly refused to give up the property and have said as much as if they still meant to continue hostilities on the frontiers of Georgia; in consequence of which the head warriors of the Cussetahs and two more chiefs were sent out to me to send down a talk respecting it; the very day they arrived at my house an express arrived from General Twiggs, who had just returned to Augusta on an expedition against the Indians. General Twiggs talk was to the Cussetahs, which I thought fit on such an occasion to explain to the chiefs here present. You will receive a copy of their answer to the General likewise a copy of his letter which I think on the whole the general has not acted imprudently whether or not his first movements have been by order of the President or Secretary at War I cannot tell, but as a General Officer I imagine he would not take such steps rashly; he has requested of me to give him a true statement of matters in this quarter, which I think right for me to do as matters are at this time so critically situated. You will receive a talk from the big half breed or white Lieutenant of the Oakfushees, which differs somewhat from the Cussetahs but at the same time shews his good intentions towards the United States, and is a man that has full power to execute any thing he says or undertakes and I cannot but think him neglected and not without cause as I [undecipherable] you of what you mentioned to me respecting him, made him some promises which has been out of my power to fulfill. You may be assured Sir, that in M^r M^cGillivray's lifetime that it was this this halfbreed influence that he swayed the best part of the Upper Creeks; this halfbreed when he made the talk thought that the Cussetahs and rest of the lower Creeks had executed some of the murderers; which was concluded on at their meeting at the Tuckabatches which would have been done as more were sent upon the business, but that old villain Panton's talks got spread about among the Towns where it was to be done, and made those backward that was to have affected it. Panton's talk to them was to give up no property nor satisfaction for murders, tell the white people that was settled on the Oconee moved back to the old line and not to hurt John Galphin but that he would send for him and make him a useful man to the Indians, which I verily believe to be the truth as he will now be at a loss to pursue his villainous purposes as he has lost his tool. M^cG[illivray] therefore any one of even the shallowest knowledge may see that there will never be a right understanding kept between the Indians and the United States while Panton has permission to carry on so extensive a trade in the Spanish dominions, with the Indians as every act of his former and present behaviour plainly shews that he would rather see the whole state of Georgia in flame and women and children massacred by the Savages, than lose one hundred deerskins. Whether the Dons have given any prejudicial talks to the Indians at this time I cannot tell but they wink at what Panton does or he dare not do what he has done. I am informed that Governor O'Neal is left Pensacola and Col^t White has taken his place, who I am informed is a man that acts in an impartial line and is thought will not give Panton the liberty that Governor O'Neal did therefore Governor White may not yet be informed of what Panton has done. I shall therefore take the liberty in behalf of the United States to inform his Excellency Governor White what Panton has done. I think if you had long ago empowered some one capable of acting in behalf of the United States in the Upper Creeks, it would have been of infinite service to the frontiers. Alick Cornell as a half blood has done all in his power, but it cannot be thought that one of his knowledge can see far enough into matters to conduct things as they ought to be. Townshend you have put a deal of dependance in which has done but little, such men as those may answer particular purposes, but will never be able to do much without white people near them to conduct matters. You will be able to judge of matters when you hear fully by Townshend how matters are situated here; the half breed seems very desirous of your coming up and says if you was to come matters could be soon righted, this I shall leave to your own opinion. If matters could be settled without troops coming up it would be better for both parties as if troops should come and the Militia which are not generally under good command of their officers and they should fire on some of the friendly towns, as the injuries they have received is full sufficient to agitate them to it, it will be the means of making the matter general, and if so they must be drove out of their lands and must take refuge over the Eufpa river, which is impassable but in boats, and then I fear what little shallow knowledge I have of matters that they will be lodged on by the Dons as the Shawnees are by the British and will become as lasting and as troublesome an enemy to the United States as the northward nations are, I am sensible they never give an enemy battle that they can be destroyed and the farther an Indian has to go to fight his enemy, he is the bolder, besides the frontiers of Georgia are so extensive that it will ever be impossible to keep them out of it was it even possible that there could be forts at every five miles distance, this is only my simple opinion on circumstances better known than I am able to inform, but as I consider at this time that there are not two obedient out of an hundred that are for mischief, therefore necessary steps could be taken to settle matters without letting the innocent suffer, it would be better. I still think that if matters could be so conducted as for men to come up and give those towns that have done the mischief a scourging, burn down their houses and cut down their corn, if there was but a few of them killed it would be a scare to them in future, and they are very sorry and say the white people are afraid to come, therefore they ought to be convinced of their error as they never will believe that the white people can come up until they do it. they are daily ridiculing the Cussetahs and telling them that they are slaves to the Americans, which makes the Cussetahs backward in saying any more to them, nor will care how soon they suffer by the whites so that they could be sure of safety themselves. I do not make the least doubt but if about an hundred good horse were collected at a reasonable time that they might get some of the Cussetahs to come to the rock landing and pilot them to those towns that are enemies. There is no way of taking an advantage of them but by a small company of good horse, and making a rapid march and give them time to make off with their property. I have troubled you with a longer letter than there was occasion for as matters are nearly as I wrote you by David Cornell. I shall hope to hear fully from you respecting every matter by M^r Townshend shall do every thing for the best as long as I can stand it here. I remain &c Letter from the White Lieutenant of the Oakfushees to James Seagrove Upper Creeks, New York 20^th June 1793 Friend and Brother, I have several times received your letters and had them explained to me. I have likewise heard your last talks which myself and all the head men in the Upper towns are determined to stand by and listen to no others, and to convince you I now write you this that you may know I have you in mind as I hope you have me. I as well as all the head men of the Upper Towns met at the Tuckabatches and come to a resolution as our beloved man is no more to hold you fast by the hand and on the treaty complied with, and to prevent our young men from stealing, we have come to a resolution to punish them by whipping, therefore I hope no rash steps will be taken by your mad people, but if any disputes arise let it be settled by friendly talks. This and our other talks you may certainly depend on. We now hope to pass and repass into each others land as friends and brothers now considering ourselves as one people. The satisfaction you now demand shall be granted, as soon as