[Sept. 24 1788 in Genl Wafhing[ton]] Hingham Sep^t. 24. 1788.— My dear General I was a few days since in Boston where I had the pleasure of breaking [strikethrough: braking] the [seal] of your Excellency's favor of the 23. Ult.— The information which your Excellency has received respecting the machinations of the Antifederal character, appears from what circulates [in] this part of the country, but too well founded. I have no doubt, but every exertion will be made to introduce into the new government, in the first instance, characters unfriendly to those parts of it, which in my opinion are [undecipherable: high, for] the precious jewels. To this they will be induced from two considerations at the least, the first with a view totally to change the nature of the government immediately, but should they fail of that, they will then have it in their power to introduce into all the important offices of their own sentiments, so that in a short time [by] their influence they may bring about that change which they cannot at first or in any other way [strikethrough: by them] effect.— Should [the] worst take place [the attention] of the patriotic will be humbling [the mind]. They will soon [find] that all their exertions for the establishing a government for promoting the honour and for securing the freedom and [strikethrough: the spirit] of the people have proved ineffectual; not only so, but they will find themselves buried in just obscurity, as to be totally unable to rise with influence [above] [to] have any controul over public men or public measures. Their only hope then can be, a forlorn in truth, that when the government established shall be found insufficient to answer the great and interesting purposes which it should embrace, and when the distress of the people in consequence thereof are widened by clamours and out rage against it and things fall back into a state of [strikethrough: confusion] [confusion] they may possibly stand on a floor with others. A melancholy consideration however though the punishment suffered hereby would be but just, should this train of evils take place in consequence of our own [strikethrough: negligence] and inattention. There never was an instance [strikethrough: where] [or] more necessary to call into exercise the wisdom, the prudence, patriotism of the United States than it will be in the important transaction of appointing the Executive and Legislative branches of the new government. The first impressions made will probably give a tone all future decisions.— We are happy here in finding it to be the unanimous voice of this region, [require] that your Excellency who has [so] [long] to the amount of its establishment— should now take it under your protection. The share your Excellency holds in the affection of the people, and the unlimited confidence they place in your integrity, and judgment, [and well] gives you a [stand] among them, a trust no other man can, or probably, ever well command. These things must inspire to your Excellency all which a susceptible mind can [with] a [fund] of doing good and of [promoting] [in the high degree] [the happiness] of a virtuous and an enlightened country.— But will not these very important considerations alarm those antifederal characters before mentioned? They must know that the influence your Excellency will have, in the organization of the new government and in enforcing the precepts of it, will embarrass their schemes, if not totally baffle them. Surely they must [not] know that consequences will follow your acceptance of the important trust. We must therefore expect, and we should be guarded in every point, to prevent the influence of the intrigues and combinations of those who wish to get every thing again afloat [and] they will endeavour as one of the most probable means by which they can effect their purposes to prevent your Excellency's acceptance of the Presidency, your election they cannot hinder.— It seems to be the general voice so far as I can obtain a knowledge of it, that Massachusetts may expect that the vice President will be taken from this State. Governor Hancock and M^r John Adams are considered as the candidates for that office. It is said that the governor has publicly declared that he would not accept [his office] should he be elected to [it]. I think he will not be very open [am of opinion] indulging this sentiment, though [it might have popular] [support] that in some unguarded moment, [as] for he is [I am] confident flattered by his friends that from the nature of making the [choice] [in a meeting some is] he may possibly be the President. This above every thing is to be deprecated however [the] we need not be anxious, it cannot take place, for there certainly will be a division of the votes between M^r Hancock & M^r J Adams [and] [cannot believe that] [the governor] [in my opinion] [the latter in my opinion] will [and the many] I am [am] prompted to wish [it] from the double motive, that from his knowledge and rectitude he will be able to render the most essential services to the United States and that with him your Excellency will be perfectly happy. I am however very apprehensive that the antifederal junto will attempt from [sinister] views to prejudice your Excellency and to [fix] in your mind the most unfavorable idea of [him] and that at the moment [just] an intimate connection [of all] commence [your] Excellency [must] bid adieu to all hope of future happiness in public life.— Perhaps these [apprehensions] are not well founded, I hope they are not, but when it is considered how dangerous your Excellency's administration must be to the views of that party we cannot purpose that they will stick at any thing to prevent its taking place.— I am happy in knowing M^r Adams my acquaintance commenced with him early in life few men can boast of equal abilities, and information [undecipherable], his [undecipherable] are few.— I am happy also in knowing his sentiments of your Excellency, there is not a virtue in your character which the most intimate of your friend, have discovered but [they] seem to be known and [on] acknowledged by him.— I am perfectly convinced that there is not a man in this part of the confederacy, if one through [the whole] of it who would render your Excellency's situation at the head of the government more agreeable or who would make it more [in his] duty to [undecipherable] your administration [tended to] more honorable to your [self] permanently [interesting] to the people I have my dear General thus written from the fullest conviction of duty and in perfect confidence [of my faith] in your Excellency [undecipherable].— I feel myself exceedingly interested to see [such] a government as we want and need [established without] loss of time.— I [undecipherable: by my long regard for the constitution] have many motives to wish it, I hope get to live and enjoy the blessings of it. I have a large rising family who must share the fate of those about them, if things go well they may be happy, if other wise they must partake in the common misery.— I [add] that I have one other [undecipherable] at the least, [hoped] my [wish] for the common [weal], [and] to see a government in existence and [properly] administered that I may [not] be [tortured] from the sad mortification which would take place, if after all the toils dangers and [sufferings] of a long and distressing war prosecuted for the purpose of warding off an impending blow and [establishing] our country in those rights to which they were justly entitled the people should from any conduct of theirs [lose] the blessings which to [secure] was the [blood] end of the important struggle.— I have the honour of being my dear General [His Excellency] [Washington] with the most perfect pleasure your Excellency's affectionate humble [signature]